The Usury Civilization - ebook

PREFACE

The last Hungarian programme of Radio Free Europe was broadcast from Munich on 31st October 1993. Apart from the obligatory news and information clusters, the whole programme consisted only of a great and long farewell. On this day, the author of the present lines was the leading editor on duty, or, as it was called within the house, the “okay editor”, who compiles and approves the programme, assuming responsibility for all what was being said. This was the last programme in Hungarian language.

For us, the work done for Radio Free Europe was primarily not a money-earning activity, but a vocation. We wanted to be democracy, state founded on the rule of law, and market economy in Hungary, where the human rights and fundamental political freedoms are assured. When the Hungarian programme of RFE came to an end, I decided to write a dissertation on the transformation in Hungary, based on studies of special literature in the field of theory of democracy.

I started to gather the related foreign and Hungarian special literature, and, in the meanwhile, to follow-up the political, constitutional law, economic and financial aspects of the transformation. I had to see that the transformation of the political system was extremely contradictory, the democracy in fact prevails only to a very limited extent, and frequently it is merely confined to empty forms. The principle of a constitutional state and that of the prevalence of law is only achieved to a limited extent. I had to face more and more facts, which all proved that instead of the long-awaited liberty, democracy and market economy something else fell to the share of the Hungarian society.

In 1994, the second volume of MNB Workshop Studies written by an expert of the Hungarian National Bank (MNB) and published in 1993 fell into my hands. On page 56 of this publication, the following assertion can be read: for the Hungarian economy, the “period between 1973-1989, as a whole, meant a one billion dollar resource intake, but also an accumulated interest expenditure exceeding many times this, amounting to altogether 11 billion dollars.”

Nevertheless, the debt burdening the whole of the Hungarian economy and society amounted to 20 billion dollars by 1989. This grave financial situation was one of the causes that brought about the reforms and which, ultimately, led to the change of regime. On the other hand, today we already know also the fact that more than 80% of the national wealth created by the Hungarian society was privatized, and the counter value received from the sales was spent exclusively on the decrease of the country’s debt and on payment of interest. In spite of this, the debt burdening the whole of the Hungarian society (state and non-state, external and internal, gross and net debt) amounted to 80 billion dollars.

The burden of the state and non-state debt is equally born by the whole of the Hungarian economy and society. The reimbursement of the state debt is done in the way that the state spends a considerable part of the received tax on debt service, reimbursement and payment of interest. The burden of the debt burdening the non-state owned economy is also born by the Hungarian citizens. The private owners build the burden of loans, credits and other debts into the price of products as prime cost, or reduce the taxes and wages with this amount. Besides other factors, the wages are only one fifth of those in Western Europe because the debt burdening the non-state sector of the Hungarian economy amounting to altogether 38 billion dollars is being paid by the private sector through the low wages.

It should also be taken into account that a considerable part of the debt burdening the assets sold during the privatization of the national wealth still remained a public charge. In other words, the debt was not privatized, but only the asset by the operation of which this debt should have been reimbursed. In this context, the change of regime seems to have been such a change in the structure of owners which made it possible that the whole of the Hungarian economy could bear the burden of not 20 billion, but 80 billion dollars debt service.

The facts of indebtedness forced me not to interpret the liberty, the democracy and the market economy only with the help of political science and theory of democracy. It became clear to me that political democracy is based upon economic democracy. Economic democracy, in turn, presupposes an economy without monopoly, since where monopolies dominate, no real market competition can be achieved. The fact of the missing economic democracy urged me to study the functioning of money and of the monetary system.

Namely because the main monopoly is the monetary system rendered under private control. In Hungary, the state is, formally, the owner to 100% of the Hungarian National Bank, which exerts the sovereign rights of the state concerning the issue of money totally independently, with the exclusion of the intervention on the merit of the National Assembly and the Government. The regulation of the issue of money, of the interest and exchange rate, of the credit policy and of the bank sector got totally out of the control of the elected and politically responsible National Assembly and Government. The financial elite, therefore, can exert, without a control on the merit, the monetary power, transforming the public monetary system of Hungary into a private monetary system.

When I started to examine these interrelations, I realized that the extreme splitting-up of the Hungarian society into 10% winners and 80% losers of the change of regime (some 10% could preserve their previous situation) can be traced back to the introduction of the private monetary monopoly. This monetary system hinders the creation of market economy relations primarily due to the interest mechanism operated within it, since it rendered the owners of money wealth in a monopoly position.

The deficiencies of the democratic transformation after 1989 may be led back to the awkwardness of the economic transformation. The problems of the economy are primarily rooted in the private monetary system. The main deficiency of this monetary system is, in turn, the interest mechanism operated within it, which, with the ever increasing indebtedness, divides the Hungarian society into an automatically enriching money wealth owner strata and, on the other hand, an indebted state with indebted enterprises and citizens.

Liberty has arrived to Hungary limited by interest dependence, poverty and indebtedness. Who has money is free, who hasn’t got continues to stay defenceless. Dictatorship changed into democracy, but this democracy is mostly restricted to empty forms without an involvement on the merit, and every four years the citizens can primarily decide upon which group of the political elite should have the privilege of not keeping their election promises in the next four years. The all-nation formulation of constitution with the involvement of the society did not take place, and the fundamental law stipulated by the self-appointed elites does not make it compulsory for the parties and deputies to keep their electoral programmes in a callable to account and sanctionable way.

As for the market economy, it would need a monopoly free economic environment. Instead of this, the private money monopoly of money wealth owners was completed with the monopoly position of international large enterprises in the Hungarian economy. The mostly small and medium-size Hungarian enterprises can only operate under the hegemony of these two monopolies, in very crippled and limited market conditions.

Thus, when I finally realized that the problems are rooted in the monetary system and in the interest mechanism operated in it, which automatically indebts the state, the enterprises and the citizens, I had to face further questions. Whose will this money be? Why do we have to stick to the current interest system? If this monetary system is so obviously bad, and a better one provably exists, which was not only elaborated in theory by excellent specialists, but also successfully proved already in practice, then why this bad monetary system spread and became general worldwide in the 20th century? Why is it that the functioning of the monetary system is not the subject of public debates, there are no informative programmes in mass media about it, and this important question has never been an election topic in any of the electoral campaigns.

The most serious problems of the Hungarian society can be traced back to the mass and unparalleled pauperization of the losers of the change of regime. Some 30% of the Hungarian society is very poor even according to international standards, and is forced to live on 2 dollars daily. The number of the poor according to international standards (who live on 4 dollars daily) is also above 50%. This poverty is caused by that monetary system the functioning of which is not debated by the parties, neither in radio or TV programmes, although there is no more important question than this. Just think of that “banker’s arithmetic” according to which if you deduce from 1 billion dollars (the taken out loan) the sum of 11 billion dollars (paid interest), the result is 20 billion dollars (the remaining debt).

The debt mass burdening the whole of the Hungarian economy and society, the debt service burdens of which (reimbursement, interest, profit and other yield) have to be produced, increased four times since 1989, that is it raised from 20 billion dollars to 80 billion dollars. This means that this would be the most important question in the electoral campaign, if the parties stepped in front of their electors with the real issues in the electoral campaign. But the interest collecting private monetary system and the indebtedness (state, enterprise and individual indebtedness) irresistibly following it continuously increases, and all this could be terminated by reforming the monetary system and re-transforming it into public monetary system.

Searching for the answer to the question why this defective monetary system spread all over the world, I was doubtful in acknowledging the random theory, i.e. the spontaneous inner development of the monetary system. After reading through a large amount of special literature in the field, I had to adapt, as a work hypothesis, the starting point that this kind of interest-yielding private monetary system did not appear by itself and did not get the ruling system in the world by itself.

That international financial community the core of which consists of the investing international bankers and their private banks, planned deliberately this monetary system and provided for its worldwide spreading. Well, how did this international financial community appear, how long does it exist, and how could it get such power that it could carry through its strategic conceptions? It was very hard to find a name for this social, economic and financial formation which has such a great impact on our world.

I also had to answer further questions. Finally, who are concretely those whom this background power consists of? Does it have institutions, and if so, which are they, when were they created, how do they operate, in what way do they coordinate their activity, how do they elaborate their strategic conceptions and determine the concrete objectives to be followed? What kind of tool system and methods does this background power and its network detain? From sociological point of view, can it be established, with scientific grounding, where this group is to be found, who can be considered to belong to it and why?

The more I strived to give well-founded answer, the more confused I got. State theory, political science, economics, monetary and interest theory, sociology, history and a lot of other important and indispensable auxiliary sciences are all necessary to give acceptable answers to these difficult questions. I had to admit that one single person, no matter how conscientious he/she is, cannot be an expert in so many branches of science and is not able to give satisfactory answers.

The author of the presently published writings is nothing but an intellectual endowed with average knowledge, who is aware of the fact that, instead of answers, he must be satisfied with raising well-founded and legitimate questions. But even the raising of appropriate questions can only be approached in an interdisciplinary manner. Categories and conceptual system of several branches of science must be used at the same time.

The background power is such a complex phenomenon, that even at the formulation of the related question we have to rely on several branches of science. Life has always been complex and in our days it becomes more and more compound. The individual branches of science apprehend only certain aspects of this complex reality. In order to get to know the international monetary world that gained a leading role in the control of our world, as well as the network operated by it, it is necessary to re-member, unite, project on each other, synchronize and synthesize the aspects dismantled and separated by the individual branches of science, because this complex phenomenon can be approached and describe most optimally this way.

With such a collection of writings it is not possible to find satisfactory answers to the most ardent questions of our time and, within it, of the Hungarian society. We cannot expect for a breakthrough even if there are provable solutions, for instance for the restoration of the public monetary system in the place of the private monetary system.

We are aware of the fact that the road of the new perceptions is rough, and this road is especially difficult if it wants to offer such perceptions, interrelations and answers which are in contradiction with the interests of the integrated ruling elite of the existing power order, especially of its ruling group which disposes of the money wealth. But even if a breaking-through success cannot be reached, the independent intellectuals are obliged to express those perceptions of them, which they deem to be true on the basis of their best conviction, research work and knowledge. The author of the present lines has never been a member of any party and he is of none at present, so no other point of view leads him in his opinion forming, than that of what he considers to be true according to his knowledge, and what he considers to be just according to his human-centered system of values.

Not only the party affiliation, but also the employment and function limits the independent opinion forming. Who is employed, has to think between the coordinates of that institution the employee which he/she is part of as an employee. It is not only a Hungarian, but a world phenomenon that the intellectual not having an existential independence is forced to violate his own thinking, just in order not to lose his employment. The intellectuals are not endowed with power, only with knowledge that is indispensable for those who have power. The real power is detained by that person in whose private property is the monetary system, and by this he controls the economic life and, finally, the political sphere too.

The absurdities of the change of regime cannot be qualified as failure of the intelligentsia. Namely because the course of the changes was not decided by the quality of ideas. There is a shortage of self-contained and free intellectuals, there are only a few of them, because the independent opinion forming and political will creation needs an independent material, financial basis and existential independence.

Therefore, the intellectual is compelled to sell his/her knowledge and talent to the money oligarchy, and, to this extent, is a depending, not independent factor. Those few intellectuals, on the other hand, who can afford to adjust their views exclusively to the facts of the reality recognized by them, independently from institutions, cannot intervene effectively in the life of society, as the real knowledge will not prevail only because of the fact that it is true. Asserting oneself needs, first of all, money, support of appropriate background forces and use of mass media.

The independent intellectuals are missing all these. Nevertheless, they are obliged to create a solid moral orientation framework for themselves, and, according to it, to think according to the real needs of that community, family or nation, which they are part of. An up-to-dately prepared, open-minded intellectual, after all, is in spiritual fellowship with all human beings. Because the fate of every human being, family, people and nation is somehow linked to the fate of all mankind. The most important vital question is that his/her human essence, the fulfilment of his/her intellectual creative potential should be assured for every human being. This embraces also the cosmic, transcendent dimensions of the living space of man.

At the beginning, having the naivety of a beginner, I myself thought that it is enough to recognize a truth, it is enough to formulate and tell it, and then the competent persons would immediately stand up for it, or, at least, would debate it on the merits. Today I smile upon this delusion of mine even myself. Namely because, according to my experience, the main competent persons know these interrelations quite well, but they also know a lot of other issues beyond them. They know how all this should be kept quiet, discredited and removed from public thinking, so that the status quo could work undisturbed, as it was conceived.

Unfortunately, the intellectuals being in functions and those who are professional thinkers can tell, use and apply only that part of the truth which is useful in maintaining that institution or order in the service of which they are. It means that they can only tell the useful part of the truth, which is both true and useful for the institution they are serving. This is a reduced, mutilated and limited truth. A government following national conservative and Christian values can move between approximately similar truth limits, between the coordinates fixed by the international financial community. It can only choose the useful truth instead of the total truth, since, being a pragmatist and realist, has to take into account what the international monetary world holding the supreme power in hand expects from it.

The statements, opinions and judgments that can be read in the present book cannot be considered to be scientifically further not disputable views. But they can neither be qualified as unfounded, mere speculations. The goal was to research such correlations, which can enhance the better understanding of the world in which we live. That international money oligarchy, which is not interested in letting the wide public opinion get information about the operation of the background power, sticks, as usual, different labels on writings like these ones, and avoids to argue with them on the merits.

This book reveals what political endeavours and movements have dealt with these issues, and if the historical role of these movements was a negative one, then the raising of these problems would be an illegitimate, extremist and condemnable act. The author of these writings, of course, is not a polyhistor, and cannot prove and certify comprehensively all his question-raisings. Nevertheless, in research, beyond the revealing of truth, the scientific thinking-over of probabilities, necessities and possibilities plays an important role as well.

If the counter-interested readers of this book might find anything objectionable in it, they should, in the framework of a debate, refute my assertions or, on the other hand, they should prove the indefensibility of the rejectable hypotheses. I am afraid that, instead of this, the usual labelling will also be the fate of the author of the present book. I reckon myself a “quack researcher”, and not a seer or a prophet. The complexity of the research of background power forced me to dabble in this and that. I would consider it a great honour if a learned researcher more prepared than myself found me worthy of refuting my assertions in the framework of a debate on the merits, avoiding labellings and qualifications. The debate should not be on who I am, what characteristics I have, or these views are similar to what other views, but, on the contrary, the debate should be on whether these views are true or not, they correspond to the facts or not, they interpret right or wrong the provable facts or not.

The interpretation is always linked to determined interests and values, therefore it is necessarily different, since also the human society consists of different, what’s more, counter-interested elements. But nobody should condemn me just because these writings possibly injure his/her material, financial or power interests. Or, if he/she condemns me because my writings injure his/her interests, then he/she should tell this, instead of solving the problem with labelling.

The international money world and its controlling elite, the international monetary oligarchy is not an ethnic formation, its network, hierarchy is not built on an ethnical basis. It cannot be considered to have an ethnic character, even if many of its researchers and critics think so. The debt-money system introduced by the international monetary oligarchy is sentenced to disintegration, due to the interest mechanism operating within it. The present status quo existing in the world, created by the private monetary system and indebtedness is extremely unjust.

Some 20% of the inhabitants of the world living in developed industrial countries consume 86% of the resources of the world, while the other inhabitants only get the remaining 14% of the resources. This disproportion still increases due to the interest automatism. Thus, our world is in a crisis situation, the collapse of the monetary system and the creation of a new status quo is imminent. We have to prepare for the new situation. The present book wants to enhance the thinking together.

Budapest, 2nd February, 2002

Dr. János DrábikTHE MONETARY CARTEL AND AMERICA

The organized private power and the public life

Who and why make plans not only for years and decades in advance, but, provably with facts, even for centuries? Why are they doing this, how are they doing this, and leaning on whom are they doing this? The researchers have already enough facts at disposal, and we could even answer these not at all poetic questions, but let us be careful and, at first, let us imagine, only as a mental attempt, that there exists a very disciplined secret world organization with a great past – the top leaders of which, hidden behind the veil of anonymity, are identical with the main directing managers of the international money community – and this secret world organization has a local group also in Hungary.

And, towards the exterior, this secret world organization even shows something – as the top of the iceberg – to the society. With the aim disinformation, this visible particle shows itself to be a charity association and the regularly dining society of eccentric gentlemen (and now even ladies) who are struggling to make the world better.

But if so, what is the reason for the obligation of secrecy, sanctioned with extremely strict and severe punishments, for the mystic rituals serving the systematic brain-washing, for the demand of loyalty above all other attachments and of unquestioning obedience to superiors?

Nowadays we can already hear and read that the only real secret is that there is no secret. So, there is no secret, but secrecy is the utmost obligation, on which, even today, the members have to take a strictly binding oath in certain exclusive organizations and societies. Why, if there is no real secret? We can only think because keeping the non-existing secret hardens and reinforces the character, makes the man virtuous.

Let us just play with the idea that these harmless diners only discuss whom and how they should help next time in the course of their charity actions. Is it this what they have to keep top secret? Obviously not. If, on the other hand, we suppose that the upper hierarchies of these harmless societies veiled in anonymity even before their own membership are controlled from an international centre and they follow political objectives as well (e.g. they plant their men charged with secret instructions into the leaderships of political parties, into the different state, political, social and cultural institutions, not mentioning now the banks and capitalist societies, but setting off the trade unions, churches, universities, intellectual workshops and the allegedly free and independent mass-media), then it becomes immediately clear that how much the secrecy is needed.

If this secrecy is not achieved, it certainly will seriously endanger the activity of the whole organization, the epoch-making objective of which is to achieve that Global Union which would bring over the eternal peace and the “eternal happiness” (at least the eternal power and happiness of the restricted group of those who had accumulated an enormous money wealth), the economic basis of which, the interest-taking private money system, made universal, was already built. An interest-free public money system could also be at work, which would assure the priority of people who produce goods and supply services against the money aristocracy’s value-not-producing and in fact parasitic speculation activity. But right this is what has to be hindered. And this is the real great secret.

The Budapest Branch of the NETWORK?

In nearly all countries of the world, the most important institutions of the NETWORK include the practically independent central banks, the banks of issue, as the Hungarian National Bank is in our country. Their appropriate control is assured, among others, by the strictly kept banking secret – for instance, the president of the Hungarian National Bank can classify, within his own competence, all relevant data for 20 years.

If we suppose that maybe there is already even a CFR-type hierarchy in Hungary, which keeps its members planted in all important places, who in fact obey only to this hierarchy, then we can get an answer, for example, to the question why the economic and money policy of apparently, that is in secondary issues so different parties and governments is strikingly identical.

Accepting this work hypothesis, we can also get an answer to the question why these parties, after getting to government, immediately forgot an important part of their election programmes and changed over to the policy called pragmatism, which is in fact a policy serving the interests of this hidden hierarchy, wrapped a bit differently for election purposes. It is known that, in Hungary, there is an elite organization at work since 1922, the Hungarian Atlantic Council today having 200 members, which is similar to the CFR of New York and the RIIA of London, and which is probably cooperating with these two institutions and their fellow institutions.

The press informed about the fact that, in May 1996, the later Prime Minister, Viktor Orbán organized the Hungarian National Committee of the New Atlantic Initiative. Following this, between 11-12 May, 1996, a large international conference took place in Prague, where the movement called “New Atlantic Initiative” was embodied and took the shape of an organization, which was proposed in 1994 by well-known American and European personalities, among them by Henry Kissinger, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Margaret Thatcher and Helmut Schmidt. Only that who knows the high ranks and important leadership roles of the mentioned personalities in the NETWORK can gauge appropriately the importance of the Prague conference.

If we suppose that the Hungarian Atlantic Council – among the leaders of which to date we can find former presidents Péter Ákos Bod, Géza Jeszenszky and Ferenc Somogyi and actual president E. Szilveszter Vizi – presumably works fulfilling a similar role as its sister institution, the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) of New York, then we should look for its members among the Hungarian financial, economic, political, scientific and mass media elite.

If we start from the activity of the CFR, then we can imagine even the fact that the strategy of the present government coalition was in great part elaborated here or in similar expertise places. As also the CFR is financed by the large foundations, the financially powerful banks, the insurance companies, the investment companies and the large enterprises, and only to a minor extent from the membership fees paid by individuals, the financial subvention of professional background activity of the Hungarian Atlantic Council and similar organizations is presumably assured by the subsidies coming from corporate members, that is banks, investment companies, large companies and foundations. For certain programmes and events they get even state subventions as well.

The beginnings in Hungary of the CFR-type governing that became a practice in the United States can be backed up also by the fact that in the government in function between 1998-2002, e.g. the owners of several portfolios of key importance arrived not for the Fidesz, the coalition leader or from the other coalition parties, but from such expert bodies. If, on the other hand, a government policy is being shaped also in background organizations where the dominant financial elite and the second fiddler political elite depending on it are presumably together, the electors have to take notice of the fact that the so prepared government programme would primarily take into consideration the demands of the banking-financial-investment elite.

Therefore it is almost certain that, according to a programme being elaborated this way, for instance the tax-paying discipline should be tightened, since one third of the collected tax is getting to money property owners, in the form of interest, for years already. The elaboration of monetary measures meant to decrease the interest charges of the state, on the other hand, cannot be even mentioned, as it would already hurt the interests of the financial elite. Though, with an appropriate monetary policy, the public debt could be decreased, for instance with the gradual buying back of the public securities with national bank money, the stopping of the payment of interest after the sums provided for bank consolidation, the restoration of the so-called zero stocks and with the interest free financing or at a favourable rate of interest, connected to concrete economic programmes.

The utilization of commercial papers that eliminate part of the expensive loans could be re-introduced again, and an interest that is lesser than the profit attainable in the real economy should only be paid after the government securities. This way the money would better be invested into the value-producing real economy, instead of the speculation with parasite character. On the other hand, the decreasing in the mentioned way of the interest charges loading the national budget would enable the considerable tax enhancements. And this would be the real interest of the great majority of the electors.

How timely a problem is the presence of the members of different background-hierarchies, secret and semi-secret organizations in public life is quite well proved by the fact that, in such a developed democratic country as Great Britain, the government ordered in 1997 that so forth all persons applying for a function in the police and justice should declare whether is or not a member of a freemasonic organization (lodge). This order touches the masonry on the most tender spot, since the most important operational principle of it is the unconditioned secrecy, and the Masonic membership should be kept strictly secret, apart for the quite few approved exceptions.

Tony Blair’s cabinet was compelled to take this unusually severe measure in a country where there are one million freemasons. (Maybe this uncomfortable measure became inevitable right because their great number and excessive influence.) The British government publishes the list of those functions or jobs which are comprised within the sphere of this new order. Jack Straw, the British Prime Minister justified this order with the fact that “the membership in such secret societies as the freemasons could rise the suspicion of the lack of the impartiality and objectivity. Therefore the general public must, in all cases, know the facts.”

It should be constitutionally regulated, as soon as possible, that the elected party and its politician, as a governing power, should be tied to their election programme, and, if they are not able to fulfil it, they should be obliged to resign before term. The legitimacy originating from people’s sovereignty would be due to the government and the elected politician only as long as they carry out the programme for which they were elected. As soon as they depart from it, they already become illegitimate. In such cases it would be obligatory to hold new elections, respectively the politician who broke his/her election promises should resign, or the electors should be assured the legal possibility to recall him/her. Nowadays, in Hungary, a “democratic” election, unfortunately, is nothing else but taking a decision about which party and politician should be given, for the next four years, the opportunity and privilege of abusing people’s sovereignty, without any consequences.

The organized private power and the Illuminati

As for the political science, it has quite many consequences if we start from the situation that there is a weakening, atrophying executive power, which, formally, is still under the control of people’s sovereignty, and, on the other hand, there is the organized private power of the owners of money wealth, based on heredity and cooptation, which has already totally withdrew itself from the control of people’s sovereignty.

Obtaining the right of credit money creation and with the introduction of the interest system, the money oligarchy takes in taxes from the society, which, this way, works for it 2-3 months “for love”. This organized private power, leaning on giant financial instruments, has already not only crushed over the moneyless and also in other respect instrumentless civil society, but, through its undercover men and the different refined forms of corruption, it has extended its influence on the power of the state too.

Nevertheless, the organized private power is not identical with the mafia, the organized criminality, although there provably are points of contact between them. I would only make reference to the fact that the quasi freemasonic Order of the Illuminati, created for the secret control of the different Masonic organizations on 1st May 1776 by Adam Weishaupt (1748-1830) was financed by the international money power which, at that time, was already organizing itself and outlining its long-term strategy. The mafia, however, got its name after the leader of the Italian Carbonari movement belonging to the Order of the Illuminati, Giuseppe Mazzini (1805-1872), as an acronym of “Mazzini autorizza furti, incendi e attentati.” (Mazzini authorizes stealth, arson and criminal attempts.). Some researchers consider him to be the founder of the mafia.

Winston S. Churchill, who was a member of the British government several times and twice even fulfilled the function of Prime Minister, wrote the following on the activity of the secret Order of the Illuminati in the 8th February, 1920 issue of the Illustrated Sunday Herald: “(…) This world-wide conspiracy for the overthrow of civilization and for the reconstitution of society on the basis of arrested development, of envious malevolence, and impossible equality, has been steadily growing. It played (…) a definitely recognizable part in the tragedy of the French Revolution. It has been the mainspring of every subversive movement during the Nineteenth Century; and now at last this band of extraordinary personalities from the underworld of the great cities of Europe and America have gripped the Russian people by the hair of their heads and have become practically the undisputed masters of that enormous empire.”

The organized private power keeps things secret

Since the organized money power, through its system of contacts, exerts an almost total hegemony over the written and electronic mass media, the majority of electors are not able to see through the thick veil of mist of manipulation, therefore they are not able to make use even of their remaining formal rights at least. In such conditions it is yet out of date to speak about the classical division of the state powers, as the competence of the legislative, judicial, Constitutional Court and executive powers does not extend over the division of one of the organized powers, the ever weakening power of the state.

In our days, in Hungary, the organized private power commits maybe most of the abuses by the exaggerated extension of the private secrecy and by the retention and hiding away of important information of public interest from the society.

To an important extent, the banking secret overstrained beyond its frames made it possible to commit those ten and hundred billion banking misuses the financial consequences of which the whole society has to support, through the budget. Information is money and power.

The secret, the mystery-making and the keeping back of the information of public interest assures a superiority of power for those who are able to use and misuse them. This is profoundly against the principles of democracy. Therefore the circle of secrets to be protected should be drawn more strictly.

One of our tasks, maybe the most important, would be to work out how would it be possible to strengthen the state in such a way that it should be to a greater extent the real means of expression of people’s sovereignty, and, at the same time, it should be able to hold back the organized, trans- and supranational, what is more, today even already global private power which wants to crush over everything. One of the defence opportunities is the re-establishment of the national state in its rights, the preservation of its remaining economic and financial sovereignty – the basis of its political sovereignty. The national state, with its traditional sovereignty authority, represents such a level of decision and centre of power with the help of which it could, theoretically, denounce the rules of the game of the usury civilization and could shift to an interest free, natural economic order. This is probably the main reason why one of the objectives of the NETWORK became the liquidation of the national states.

Global crisis and the possible answers

That many centuries old international system, the subjects of which were the national states endowed with a determined territory and population, undergoes a radical transformation. The national states functioning according to the principle of people’s sovereignty and representing an independent centre of power and decision are being melted at an increased pace into the integrative formations which nowadays already comprise continents, and start losing their importance. The determining basic units of the society are not the sovereign natural persons any longer, but the abstract legal persons and their corporations.

And from these abstract corporations are the subjects of the new international system built up: the global trusts, the multinational enterprise empires, the big international banks and insurance companies, as well as other financial investment organizations. This is the reason of the creation of global giant enterprises, banks and financial institutions in our days.

On the other hand, the corporative states are not democratic, since they are in private property and their owners are free to dispose of them. Their control, therefore, is not democratic, but autocratic, what is more, dictatorial.

As opposed to the closed and rigid traditional state, tied to territory, inhabitants, language and culture, the corporative state is flexible, plastic and dynamic, it continuously changes, unites, separates, ceases to exist and comes into being again. In our days these dynamic and functional global trusts, banking and financial giants are already the actual centres of decision and power. But their power is a private power not controlled by the public, which can be misused very easily, to the detriment of the majority of the society.

It is almost certain that, in a short time, they will be the member states of the “United States of the World” (United Global State), i.e. of the Global Union. The system of the traditional states gradually losing their sovereignty and of the corporative states detaining the real power will persist, probably durably, complementing each other.

The “period of non-interference in the internal affairs” is, nevertheless, already over; this is well demonstrated by the events of Kosovo in 1999. The NETWORK will expectably force the traditional states not detaining actual power any longer to keep the rules of the game of formal democracy strictly also in the future.

According to the signs, the corporative state is not able to fulfil the community building and community maintaining tasks of the national state, since this new-type, cosmopolitan state does not strive for the multilateral evolvement of human life, but its only target is making profit.

From the facts became visible, the conclusion can be drawn that the social model of the New World Order is the society divided into two parts: one pole is made up by the money wealth owners, the controllers of the corporations, as well as by the politicians forming the integrated power elite, and the other pole by the other members of the society, being in dependence from them.

Two variants of this bipolar society emerged in the 20th century: one is the openly dictatorial socialist, and the other one is the also dictatorial capitalist variant, masked with formal democracy. Both systems are nothing but the rule of the power elite over the dependent, subjugated majority of the society.

Thus, the New World Order would be an elitist, centrally controlled society, since the NETWORK does nut trust in mass democracy, in “government of the people, by the people, for the people”, as formulated by former American President Lincoln. The NETWORK has chosen the easier way, the manipulation of the consciousness of the society, through the taking into possession, influencing and controlling of the mass media.

It cannot be denied that we live in the midst of a more and more deepening crisis. We can witness the birth followed with pains of the global economy and society, the New World Order. In Chinese, “crisis” reads as “wei chi”. “Wei” means “attention, danger!”, while “chi” means “crucial point, opportunity”. It is true, this world-historic beginning of a new era warns us to be cautious, as it hides great dangers in itself. One has to choose between the achievement of money oligarchy’s New World Order without the control of people’s sovereignty and of the real democracy continuing to stick to people’s sovereignty.

On the other hand, the present-day extreme variant of liberalism is openly antiliberal, and is not the system of real democracy, but that of alibi-democracy, as their propagators already keep in view only the basic freedoms of the privileged minority. And, this way, the liberalism became anti-liberal, and the formal democracy became the scene hiding away the oligarchic power of the elite.

The now evolving corporative international system cannot be controlled any more with democratic – coming from below – techniques, based upon people’s sovereignty. Human civilization is in front of a crossroads again. Either it will be able to break the super monopoly of money wealth and create a human-centered society, also comprising the economic democracy, or the owners of money wealth will institutionalize their oligarchic rule with the creation of a totalitarian global state. In consequence, one must choose between the real democracy based upon people’s sovereignty, and the oligarchic “quasi democracy” of the owners of money monopoly. The now emerging global era can equally be a human-centered and a money-centred civilization. For the moment it is not definitively decided which direction the mankind will take. Future depends on us as well. Wei chi!

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